Sermon
(Sermon only) JUSTICE IN THE LONG SHADOWS Unitarian Universalist Church of Berkeley January 18, 2026
Publisher transcript
Transcript
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Like so many spirituals, the genius of
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the song pointing to a depth of
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suffering that we here in this room, I
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imagine, cannot fathom.
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and yet also speaking to something so
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profoundly universal.
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I think of the children I used to
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comfort at an outdoor school. It's the
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Mosaic Project. We would gather children
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to try and further that dream that King
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preached about. We'd gather children
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with their classes from schools and an
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impoverished
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inner city school from Hunter Point or
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somewhere in Oakland alongside one of
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these Berkeley public schools alongside
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one of our private schools come together
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and mix them up in cabins for a week
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of peace and diversity training.
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And for many of those children from
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whatever school it was the first time
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they were spending a week away from home
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and that feeling of homesickness of
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being a motherless child
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would start deep in their bellies.
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A few days in, almost all of them had
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forgotten it in the whirl of magic and
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wonder of musical curriculum
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of a quality of community that we would
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create that felt like nothing anywhere
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else in their lives.
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Now, those of us working it were working
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80our weeks to make this happen.
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And after a few sessions, we would be
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feeling it, this staff team, and
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sometimes get a little bit grouchy with
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one another. And I remember one such
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week when my friend Ammani told us a
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story. He'd been studying with a
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spiritual teacher who would show as part
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of a a week of retreat focused on how to
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build spiritual capacity for peace
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building a video of the Navy Seals boot
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camp.
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They'd watch these seals push themselves
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to the absolute edge, both physically
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and psychologically, performing the most
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challenging athletic tasks while
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deprived of sleep and food, training
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with weapons in extreme temperatures in
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every environment. They'd watch this
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video of people going through grueling
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training and then the teacher would say,
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"This
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is what people are willing to do for
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war.
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What are you willing to do for peace?"
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Just before I started seminary, I went
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and lived in uh Rio Visioniro in Brazil
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for several months to study the work of
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a friend who uh developed a restorative
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justice practice there that be had be
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starting to take off as a alternative
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track to the justice system for for
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juvenile justice especially in several
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cities. And then I I wanted also to
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study the work of Austo Bal who had
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created this body of feeder of the
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oppressed.
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And
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neither one of those quite worked out. I
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was on Brazilian summertime and and
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things didn't quite
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work the way I expected them to.
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So instead, I ended up spending quite a
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bit of time in a in a shanty town, in a
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what they call a favlla there with the
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young people playing with theater and
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and teaching English.
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I was stunned the first time I remember
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seeing a 14-year-old riding around on
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his motorcycle with a large
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semi-automatic gun strapped casually
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over his shoulder.
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Eventually,
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I learned these young men with big guns
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were just the most visible layer of a
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quasi governmental infrastructure of the
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FLLA gang because the government doesn't
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provide services in the Favlla. The
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gangs provide medicine,
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baby formula,
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other services that people living there
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depend on. And I was trying to make
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sense of this new reality to me. And I
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picked up um Hana Arent's on violence.
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You can tell where I come from.
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I remember reading Hana Arent sitting on
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the pla the beach trying to untangle
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this knotted web of violence and power.
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I found myself studying and the light
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bulb moment for me when she
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provided
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a conclusion that violence
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contrary to the way I had always seen it
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as kind of a brutal exercise of power
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a coercion of the less powerful by the
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more powerful. that violence is actually
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an expression of powerlessness
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of desperation.
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In fact, she argues power and violence
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are opposites.
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She says where the one rules absolutely
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the other is absent. Violence appears
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where power is in jeopardy.
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Violence can destroy power.
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It is utterly incapable of creating it.
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Violence can destroy power, but it is
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utterly incapable of creating it. What
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creates power is collective will. It's
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organized solidarity. It's people
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determining to act together in concert,
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giving their body and their will to
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something larger than themselves. Power,
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the ability to achieve purpose, as King
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would have preached, it cannot be born
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from violence only disrupted by it.
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When I investigate this within, I know
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those interior states
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that no real power
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that can rest,
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available for the moment, available to
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those around me, ready to act in service
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of my values.
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And I also know those places of
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desperation, those clenching, clinging,
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those empty hollow, those grasping
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places
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that would reach for violence instead,
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those places of desperation.
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The rhetoric
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that the regime running our country has
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employed to justify bombing at least 35
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boats off the coast of Venezuela since
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September
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has been the urgent need to address a
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drug crisis in our country.
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And the crisis itself is real. Something
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like 200 people die of fentinyl
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overdoses
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every day.
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Since 2016, the cheap opioid is
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responsible for more overdose deaths
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than heroin and prescription drugs
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combined.
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But with with just a cursory glance at
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the facts, the boats that have been
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bombed are transporting cocaine,
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most of which would have been destined
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for Europe, not the United States.
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The cynicism of our government's actions
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is laid bare.
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As has become explicit, these military
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actions were never about solving
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America's real problem with drugs, but
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about a pretense for seizing power and
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access to oil.
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If our leaders were serious about
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addressing our drug problem, they might
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start by picking up a book by Bruce
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Alexander, the globalization of
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addiction, a study in poverty of the
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spirit. We were talking about poverty of
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the spirit last week.
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Alexander asked, "Why
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are there periods in history and
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specific places where addiction spikes
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throughout a society?
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as it is in ours and increasingly around
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the planet today.
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These spikes occur again and again, he
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notes, in the wake of imperial power,
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exercised to dislocate a people from
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their ancestral place, to disrupt their
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social fabric, to supplant the cultural
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traditions and rituals that weave a
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community together.
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Like when European colonists uprooted
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indigenous populations and destroyed
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cultural traditions resulting in a
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massive dislocation
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literally and spiritually
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suddenly rates of alcoholism and other
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forms of addiction in the indigenous
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population skyrocketed. Right? or when
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the industrial revolution uprooted
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families who lived it who had lived in a
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in a particular place tending to a
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particular plot of land for generations
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and are suddenly moving long distances
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often overseas to work city jobs again
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rates of addiction explode
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trying to figure this out. Bruce
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Alexander was was worried about this
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other idea of where addiction come from.
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this the myth of the demon drugs he
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would call it. And so he did a study. He
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said, "Okay, those rats, right? We've
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got the rats that get addicted to
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heroin. You know about the rats,
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the rats." He said, "Well, they're kept
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in cages alone, and that's no way for a
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rat to live."
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So he said, "I'm going to try something
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else. I'm going to I'm going to have
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those rats that are alone in the cages,
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addicted to their heroin, but I'm going
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to also make a rat park.
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It's going to be perfect. The perfect
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place for a rat to live its ratly life.
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It's going to have lots of other rats
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and things to play with and stuff to run
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around and go. It's It was going to be
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an idea, a rattopia.
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So, Bruce Alexander makes Rat Park and
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brings those same rats who've been
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addicted to heroin, who would choose the
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heroin over food, isolated in a cage
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alone. And when they come and live their
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lives in Rat Park, those addiction rates
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suddenly drop away.
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They found that the rats housed in the
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normal cages consumed 20 times more
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morphine when it was offered than those
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living in rat park.
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The point he drives home over and over
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again is that counter to the common
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sense of understanding that the powerful
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drugs are primarily to blame for
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widespread addiction, it is in fact a
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spiritual impoverishment, a disruption
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of the intact relationship between
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individual and community and land. The
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shaping of a spiritual wholeness, of a
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personal and collective identity through
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shared music and food and dances and
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rituals, of a belonging to a
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relationality woven with integrity,
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dislocation
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driven by the same forces that King
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famously named as racism, materialism,
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and militarism. A profound spiritual
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dislocation leaves an ache in the psyche
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that we try to fill with so much more
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than drugs.
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We
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don't know what to do with the chickens.
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I don't know about you, but I didn't
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grow up learning how to tend chickens,
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how to baptize them and preach sermons
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to them.
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And even without the chickens involved,
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just to know these are the foundational
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practices of how we make healing and
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wholeness real amongst us.
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We have lost so much.
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The genius of the Fox News MAGA America
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First politics has been to offer a
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narrative to soothe this ache that
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allows white Americans to avoid looking
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inward for the source of their wounds.
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It's not that your own culture has been
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hollowed out and sold off to the highest
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bidder. It's the immigrants. It's the
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trans people. It's you know the story.
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The attack on so-called traditional
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values, the disregard for old-fashioned
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masculinity. That's the problem.
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Genius, I say, because it speaks
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directly to the ills at the hearts of
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our communities, but coercibly
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obfiscates their cause and misdiagnoses
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their remedy.
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It's so much easier to believe that
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others are responsible for your pain and
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lash out with violence
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than to take honest stock and practice a
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nonviolent responsibility for
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transforming that which we have
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inherited.
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This is the spiritual task before us.
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This is what we are engaged in here.
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taking honest stock and transforming
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what we have inherited.
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But that honest stock, it can leave us
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unsettled, agitated, what King claimed
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as a divine discontent.
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I talk a great deal about the need for a
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kind of divine discontent. He said
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and I always mention that there are
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certain technical words within every
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science which have become stereotypes
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and cliches.
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Modern psychology he said has a word
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that has become common. It is the word
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maladjusted.
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We read a great deal about it. It is a
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ringing cry of modern child psychology
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and certainly we all want to live the
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welladjusted.
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avoid neurotic and schizophrenic
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personalities. But I must say to you
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this evening he preached, "My friends,
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there are some things in our nation and
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in our world to which I'm proud to be
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maladjusted."
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And I call upon you to be maladjusted
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and all people of goodwill to be
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maladjusted to these things until the
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good society is realized. I never intend
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to adjust myself. he said, to
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segregation and discrimination. I never
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intend to become adjusted to religious
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bigotry. I never intend to adjust myself
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to economic conditions that will take
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necessities from the many to give
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luxuries to the few and leave millions
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of people perishing on a lonely island
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of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean
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of prosperity.
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I must honestly say, however much
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criticism it brings, that I never intend
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to adjust myself to the madness of
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militarism
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and the self-defeating effects of
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physical violence.
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to make to rebuild intact human
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community
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in the long shadows of all we must
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remain maladjusted to. This is the task
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before us. To find a holy wholeness
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amidst the broken fragments of the
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legacy of colonialism and imperialism
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that has impoverished our spirits, we
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must practice a rigorous discipline of
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humanization.
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It's the kind of discipline that King
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and the other leaders of the civil
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rights movement inspired in their
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followers.
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Did you know that in in Birmingham,
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those who fought that critical battle in
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the civil rights movement, every person,
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every one of them was asked to sign a
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card.
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It read this. I hereby pledge myself, my
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person, and my body to the nonviolent
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movement. Therefore, I will keep the
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following ten commandments.
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One, meditate daily on the teachings and
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life of Jesus.
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Two, remember always that the nonviolent
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movement in Birmingham seeks justice and
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reconciliation,
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not victory.
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Three, walk and talk in the manner of
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love, for God is love.
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Four, pray daily to be used by God in
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order that all men might be free. Five,
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sacrifice personal wishes in order that
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all men might be free.
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Six, observe with both friend and foe
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the ordinary rules of courtesy.
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Seven, seek to perform regular service
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for others and the world.
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Eight, refrain from the violence of
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fist, tongue, or heart.
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Nine, strive to be in good spiritual and
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bodily health.
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10, follow the directions of the
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movement and of the captain on a
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demonstration.
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I sign this pledge having seriously
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considered what I do and with the
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determination and will to persevere.
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So I ask you, what would it take to
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commit yourself? What would it take to
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commit ourselves to such a rigorous
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discipline?
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What would it be worth to belong to such
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a countercultural movement?
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And the good news, I think, is that
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every day offers us opportunities to
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practice this kind of nonviolence. This
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was not a non-violence reserve for the
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moment of protest, the moment of action.
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It was a nonviolence to be lived day in
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and day out.
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Remember once hearing about a mom
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describing
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the what she learned from her her
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child's teacher about a weekly practice
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in her teacher's classroom.
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Every Friday afternoon, she asked her
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students to take out a piece of paper
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and write down the names of four
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children with whom they'd like to sit
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the following week. And the children
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knew that these requests may or may not
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be honored. She also asked the students
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to nominate one student who they
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believed to have been an exceptional
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classroom citizen that week. And then
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all of the ballots are privately
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submitted to her. And every single
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Friday afternoon after the students went
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home, she takes out those slips of
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paper, places them in front of her, and
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studies them,
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looks for patterns.
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She asks, "Who's not getting requested
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by anyone else?"
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She asks, "Who can't think of anyone to
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request?
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who never gets noticed enough to be
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nominated,
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who had a million friends last week and
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none this week.
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And after taking in the profoundity of
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this practice, the mom asked her child's
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teacher, "How long have you been using
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this system?"
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"Ever since Coline."
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Ever since Coline, the teacher answered.
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Every single Friday afternoon since
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Coline.
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Yes, violence can rip apart lives and
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communities like fentinel. It can soothe
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the pain for a time, displace it.
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But those who would lend their lives to
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help heal our world are led by a
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different light.
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It's a light that's always burned in the
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long shadow of violence and empire. The
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light that summoned clergy and activists
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from across the country to Selma. The
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light that once again is calling many
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this week to endure the bitter cold of
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the Twin Cities and show up to hold
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vigil and march for justice in
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Minneapolis.
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Let us hold close
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the uncomfortable glow of divine
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discomfort this week.
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If you can't go to Minneapolis, consider
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joining the local interfaith solidarity
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vigil here noon on Thursday in San
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Francisco City Hall, kicking off a day
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of fasting. Perhaps the spiritual
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discipline of a fast is possible for you
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this week. Or just join to break the
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fast and rally on Friday at noon at ICE
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headquarters on Sansom Street in San
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Francisco. Or show up right here in our
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neighborhood tomorrow to honor the
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legacy of Dr. King with a civic parade
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and rally in El Certo. or find another
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way,
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your own way to walk with that holy
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maladjusted glow this week
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to circle around in the deep dislocated
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shadow of empire
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and join with fellow travelers in the
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discipline of nonviolence
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of soul force as Gandhi called it of
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repairing and renewing that inescapable
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network of mutuality.
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that single garment of destiny which is
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our source and which we are called to
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steward with integrity, joy and service.
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May it be so. And amen.
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>> Amen.